Tag Archives: Bougainville

Bougainville’s tinderbox threatens to reignite

Bougainville Revolutionary Army fighters look down on the Panguna mine in 1996

An independence referendum and unresolved issues over the rich Panguna copper mine threaten to tilt Papua New Guinea’s tumultuous autonomous island back to civil war

Alan Boyd | Asia Times | December 4, 2018

Foreign mining companies are jostling for exploration rights on the Papua New Guinea island of Bougainville ahead of a crucial independence vote next year that some fear could revive tensions that sparked a civil war that killed 20,000 in the 1980’s.

The island will need mining royalties to maintain a viable economy if the referendum backs independence, but unresolved issues over the Panguna copper mine are still a sensitive point with traditional landowners. Villagers shut the pit down in 1989, triggering the previous lethal conflict.

The referendum is the culmination of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which formally ended the decade-long bloody civil war. It will take place as the US and Australia aim to work closely with Papua New Guinea to develop its Lombrum Naval Base to counterbalance China’s growing maritime influence in the region.

In January, the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) said that an indefinite moratorium had been imposed on work at Panguna, which was the world’s biggest open-cut copper mine when it was being operated by Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), a unit of Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto.

Rio exited in 2016, transferring its 53.8% shareholding to the ABG and the Papua New Guinea government, but there has been speculation the mine could reopen. Papua New Guinea’s government gave its shareholding to traditional landowners in the Panguna area.

“If we went ahead now, you could be causing a total explosion of the situation again,” ABG president John Momis said after the moratorium was declared.

“As far as the people are concerned and as the government, we cannot allow foreign companies to be causing division and using a very emotional situation [on] the ground to cause another war.”

In 1972, there were suggestions of colonialism and commercial exploitation over a decision to grant a mining license to Rio Tinto after minimal consultation with local villagers. Bougainville was then being ruled by Australia under a United Nations mandate that ended with Papua New Guinea’s achievement of independence in 1974.

The Panguna mine effectively underwrote that process: at one point copper from the mine was contributing 45% of Papua New Guinea’s annual export earnings and generating more than US$740 million from tax income and dividends.

But little of this money reached tribal groups; instead, they complained that trailings from the mine were killing their fish and poisoning farmland. In 1989, the Nasioi people broke into the site and shut the mine down.

Autonomous Bougainville Government President John Momis. Photo: Youtube

When Papua New Guinea sent riot police and troops to the island, villagers formed the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, a rag-tag separatist group that plunged the region into a decade-long civil war that left most of its infrastructure in ruins.

A fragile peace was achieved in the late 1990s under monitoring groups led by Australia and New Zealand, but the wounds remain raw. Several tribes maintain “no-go” areas to keep foreign firms out, and the remnants of the BRA, known as the Me’ekamui group, only disarmed this October.

Bougainville, which has closer ethnic links to the Solomon Islands than Papua New Guinea, was granted a limited form of autonomy under a formal 2001 peace treaty. The referendum, tentatively scheduled for June 15 next year, will decide whether the island should become completely independent.

However, it will not happen unless the ANG can find some way to bridge the gap between developers and traditional landowners who fear a repeat of the Panguna fallout.

Rio Tinto left behind an environmental mess of sludge and rusting equipment that some analysts estimate could cost US$1 billion to put right. The firm contends that it has already complied with regulatory requirements.

Momis knows that without mining, Bougainville will stay part of Papua New Guinea, as the island managed to cover only 14% of its total expenditure of US$50 million last year from domestic sources — mostly sales of farm products. It is expected to need a budget three times bigger if it votes for independence.

Resistance fighters from the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) in a file photo. Photo: AFP/Torsten Blackwood

Leaving the door ajar, Momis has said that the moratorium only covers mining at Panguna, which is inaccessible in any case because of a “no-go” order. A new mining law passed in 2014 clarified the regulatory situation and has attracted interest from firms in Australia, China, Canada and elsewhere.

But there is a catch: the law gave traditional landowners control over minerals on their land and the right to participate in any development decisions that might affect their interests. So the fate of Bougainville’s separatist movement now rests with those who started it in the 1980s.

Landowners that do deals with mining companies will have to face the wrath of neighboring tribes that could bear the consequences of mining. There are strong risks that tensions could boil over even before the referendum.

The wild card in this game of chance is Papua New Guinea, which is not obliged to allow Bougainville to break away even if there is a “yes” vote.

Indeed, it may prefer to keep a tight rein on its renegade region, especially if predictions of a vast untapped treasure of copper, gold and other minerals are realized.

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Bougainvilleans want Filipino miner out of their ancestral land

Jarius Bondoc | The Philippine Star | October 29, 2018

A Filipino miner is causing social unrest in the Pacific island of Bougainville, the same way he stirred up Mindanao tribesmen against his mining. Tens of thousands of Bougainville natives are livid that SR Metals Inc., owned by Eric Gutierrez, is to log and consequently extract copper. Central authorities in Papua New Guinea are being asked why an outsider has been allowed into the Panguna forest. Foreign mining in Panguna had triggered a ten-year civil war, 1988-1998, that claimed the lives of 20,000 people. Since then Panguna has been declared a “no-go zone.”

Gutierrez’s SRMI up to recently was extracting nickel in the mountains of Tubay, Agusan del Norte. Dispossessed Lumad had opposed his 20 years of supposed small-scale mining that actually exceeded legal limits. It also denuded forests in and beyond its 128-hectare concession. Three thousand tribe folk and lowlanders had petitioned for SRMI’s closure, to no avail. Their lawyer was assassinated in broad daylight and a protesting priest falsely accused of rape. Violent clashes spread to other mines in other towns over the years, during which 68 tribesmen were killed.

SRMI claims to have received exploration rights from Papua president John Momis, a defrocked Catholic priest. Gutierrez’s partner, Caloocan Rep. Edgar Erice was reported to have said they are moving all their equipment from Agusan to Bougainville. Supposedly the government in that Papuan territory welcomes them into 183 square kilometers of forest and proven copper mines.

Bougainville tribe leader Cletus Miarama disputed them, however. “SR Metals did not have free and informed consent to go into our customary land and explore,” he declared. “They are going into our customary land without our permission. They are even also going into our sacred sites.” The battle scarred Bougainville natives never surrendered to the superior government forces. Their civil strife ended in stalemate, and can reignite for the same exploitation of Panguna natural resources.

SRMI gradually closed down during the first two years of the Duterte administration. At least thrice during the 2016 presidential campaign and five times thereafter President Duterte publicly denounced Gutierrez as a destructive, abusive miner. The BIR presently is investigating SRMI for unpaid taxes from P28-billion in ore exports to China. In 2008, the Supreme Court found the mine guilty of over-extracting nickel from its yearly 50,000-ton ore limit.

Gutierrez had found favor with the Aquino administration as financier of the then-ruling Liberal Party, and Erice as spokesman. President Noynoy Aquino reportedly signed as witness for SRMI to recompense original Tubay mine licensee Rodney Basiana P1 billion, a debt that was never paid. Aquino also twice awarded SRMI for supposed responsible mining.

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CEDAW and Extraterritorial Obligations: PNG Activists Highlight Australia’s Role in Human Rights Violations

Papua New Guinea activists Ruth Saovana Spriggs (left) and Sabet Cox in Geneva. Image still from forthcoming IWRAW Asia Pacific video

Nikta Daijavad | IWRAW

At IWRAW Asia Pacific’s most recent From Global to Local training programme, run in parallel to the 70th CEDAW Session, we were joined by two activists from a small group of Papua New Guinea women working to expose the gendered harms of Australia’s large-scale extractive industries – which have operated across many provinces of Papua New Guinea for five decades. Dr Ruth Saovana Spriggs (left, above) is the director of the Bougainville People’s Research Center (based in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville), and Elizabeth (Sabet) Cox (right, above) is a technical advisor to HELP Resources and Voice for Change (based in the Sepik and the Highlands regions of Papua New Guinea) and an emerging women’s organisation in Hela – the site of Papua New Guinea’s controversial vast and expanding gas fields in a context of underdevelopment and armed conflict. These four local NGOs were supported by Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), to prepare and submit a shadow report to the CEDAW Committee’s review of Australia, held on 3 July.

Ruth and Elizabeth focused their advocacy on Australia’s failure to meet its extraterritorial obligations (ETOs) in relation to its financing of, and development cooperation with, risky and socially and environmentally destructive Australian extractive companies in Papua New Guinea. In recent years, activists have increasingly called upon states to fulfill such obligations. Relying on the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations in the Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, they argue that states are obligated to ensure that non-state actors which they are in a position to regulate, including private individuals and transnational corporations, do not violate human rights. The Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, for example, submitted shadow reports on the extraterritorial obligations of SpainSweden, and France with regards to arms transfers for the 61st, 63rd, and 64th CEDAW Sessions, respectively. FIAN International similarly submitted a shadow report on the extraterritorial obligations of Germany with regards to coffee plantations owned by German transnational corporations that were illegally evicting peasant communities in Uganda (66th CEDAW Session).

In Australia’s case, the state has provided critical financial support to extractive industries that have been assessed as high-risk for social and environmental impacts. In Bougainville, for example, Rio Tinto of Australia operated the Bougainville Copper Limited mine between 1969 and 1989 – until tensions over the dumping of tailings in the Jaba River, grossly unequal benefit sharing arrangements, and an influx of migrants from other provinces eventually erupted into a decade-long civil war with the Papua New Guinea government, with military support from Australia. When a military response failed, Papua New Guinea imposed a total blockade on goods, services and supplies, resulting in the loss of an estimated 20,000 lives, and countless war crimes of sexual violence. Ruth’s research has revealed that local women lost their traditional matrilineal authority, especially in relation to land rights and decision making. They witnessed huge social and cultural upheaval, bore the brunt of a long armed conflict and barely received USD20 in cash benefits annually.

The Australian government’s secretive Export Credit Agency – the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation (EFIC) – provides critical loans to ‘close the deal’ on new projects operated by Australian extractive companies when risk-averse banks will not. In 2009 EFIC provided a AUD500 million loan to enable Exxon Mobil and joint venture partners Oil Search and Santos to proceed with a liquefied natural gas project in the remote Hela region, despite warnings that support for the project could exacerbate already-existing armed conflict and violence against women. The lessons from Bougainville and from a succession of mining disasters have not been learned, and the gas fields in remote Hela Province have created a nightmare situation for women. The gas project start-up ignored the land-based armed conflicts among men and the extreme forms of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls. Worsening armed conflicts have undermined Hela’s rudimentary governance, service delivery and justice systems and rising impunity for daily murders, assaults and rapes.

Ruth and Elizabeth advocated four priority obligations of the Australian government:

  1. guarantees of women’s security and access to justice in areas impacted by Australian extractive industries, including establishing a complaints mechanism to provide reparations for past harms;
  2. Australian companies to undertake substantive gender analysis and to ensure women give free, prior and informed consent prior to extractive project start-up;
  3. institution of gender-equal benefit sharing in land-owning and impacted communities; and
  4. gender-equal access to jobs and training in Australian-owned extractive industry companies.

Throughout the process, women leaders from the remote Hela province in Papua New Guinea communicated daily with Ruth and Elizabeth, expressing their great hopes that their voices would be heard. They have since expressed their appreciation to the CEDAW Committee and the process.

During Australia’s constructive dialogue, Committee member Nahla Haidar directed incisive questions to the Australian state delegation regarding state loan financing of Australian extractive companies in Papua New Guinea and development grants to company-led corporate social responsibility projects for women. She noted, “There seems to be a failure to learn from the conflict in Bougainville … To what extent will the [Australian] government engage with the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights?” She reminded the delegation that its 2016 Universal Periodic Review had recommended that Australia adopt a National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, and Australia had responded that it would consider further measures for implementation of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. This has not yet resulted in an adequate response.

The concerns highlighted in the shadow report on Australia’s ETOs are well reflected in Australia’s Concluding Observations. The Committee recommends that Australia develop a National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, incorporating a gender perspective, ensuring that all large-scale extractive projects have obtained free prior informed consent from locally affected women, and establishing a specialised mechanism to investigate violations of women’s human rights by corporations based or registered in Australia or receiving subsidies from it.

Despite the lack of a clear commitment from the Australian delegation to address this issue, Ruth remains hopeful that highlighting the nature of Australia’s extractive industries in the international arena will eventually have a positive impact. As she said in our interview, “Unfortunately I was a little disappointed, but at least [the Australian delegation] heard it … And to me, it is a plus that [the issue] is at least registered at this level.” She also believes that continuing to strengthen the relationship between academic research and advocacy-oriented spaces like CEDAW will help bring to light the depth and complexity of the human rights violations taking place in Papua New Guinea.

Elizabeth added, “It’s given me hope that we can do more back in Papua New Guinea, and because the autonomous region of Bougainville is preparing for independence, [this] can be a new starting point for them to hold their independent government accountable to address the rights of women in the new state.”

Bougainville is slated to hold an independence referendum on 15 June 2019.

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RTG-led consortium meets Bougainville Gov’t over Panguna project

Australian Mining | September 12, 2018

ASX-listed RTG Mining has presented its redevelopment proposal for the Panguna mine to the House of Representatives in Bougainville in a significant step forward for the project.

RTG Mining is leading a consortium of local landowners in Bougainville, an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea (PNG), that is trying to win government support in order to restart operations at the mine, currently under consideration for redevelopment by Government-backed Bougainville Copper (BCL).

The mine’s relaunch is a keystone of Bougainville’s upcoming plans for independence.

The dormant Panguna copper mine, which has been abandoned since 1989 due to local conflicts, contributed roughly 40 per cent of PNG’s economy during the height of operation.

The consortium, led by landowners, presented its proposal last week to a number of representatives of the Bougainville Government and is currently developing a social licence to win further support.

This includes donations for the local Arawa hospital, school and education support, support for the Women’s Federation in Bougainville and sport sponsorship opportunities, including the local rugby sevens team, the Black Orchids.

“This gesture of support by RTG is significant towards our efforts to compliment our ABG Government including all stakeholders on Bougainville working towards a united and peaceful Bougainville,” said Peter Tsiamalili, Autonomous Bougainville Rugby president.

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Bougainville: To mine or not to mine?

Jubilee Australia | 12 September 2018

As Bougainville plans for its long-awaited inde­pendence referendum scheduled for the middle of next year, the Panguna mine – which was once one of the largest copper-gold mines in the world until the Bougainville civil war forced its closure in 1989 – remains at the forefront of debates about Bougainville’s economic future.  

Jubilee Australia’s report Growing Bougainville’s Futureexamines the choice facing the people of Bougainville and asks the question of ‘to mine or not to mine’?  

The political consensus that large-scale mining offers the only feasible developmental path for Bougainville has led to a scenario in which there has been an insufficient analysis of potential alternative eco­nomic strategies. Jubilee Australia aims to redress this imbalance.  

The report reflects on the possibilities and realities of an extrac­tives-led development path for Bougainville and examines the availability and viability of an alternative path. In short, we conclude that alter­natives to large-scale mining do exist and that many Bougainvilleans are already participating in and developing these alternatives.  

Some of the conclusions in ‘Growing Bougainville’s future’ are:

  • Land is of central importance to Bougain­villeans, and along with Bougainvillean’s history, knowledge, social institutions, cultural assets and traditional economy, can provide a vital foundation on which Bougainville’s future can be built.
  • Land supports a way of life that most rural Bougainvilleans are already living. Land allows people to operate within a mixed economy that blends the non-cash contributions of the traditional economy with cash earned from small-scale income generating activities.
  • Agriculture is the single most important source of livelihoods for Bougainvilleans, and an economy based on agriculture has the potential to benefit all Bougainvilleans – both women and men – and not just a small minority
  • The Panguna mine is unlikely to be a significant source of government revenues, at least in the short to medium term.
  • An over-reliance on the mining oil and gas sector is likely to distort Bougainville’s economymaking it harder for non-resource sector exports – particularly in agriculture – to bring in revenues, as is the case in Papua New Guinea.

This report is being published along with a short film, Bougainville: Long Han Blong Yumi (Bougainville: It’s In Our Hands). The film has been made for a Bougainvillean audience and explores many of the same issues explored in the report.

Dr Ruth Saovana-Spriggs, from the Bougainville People’s Research Centre said:

“Re-opening the Panguna mine is not the solution. The people of Bougainville are hungry for alternative and sustainable development paths, and an informed and balanced debate about Bougainville’s future.”

Christina Hill, Acting Executive Director of Jubilee Australia said:

“Properly supported, innovative approach­es that build on what is already done have the potential to support inclusive economic growth in Bougainville and with it increase government reve­nues.”

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MP upset at Australian advisors in Bougainville

A lake in the pit of the long defunct Panguna mine in Bougainville. Photo: www.travelinspired.co.nz

Radio New Zealand | 23 August 2018

An MP in the autonomous Bougainville parliament says Australian aid to the region is being used to jockey for position ahead of the vote on possible independence.

Bougainville is due to vote next year on whether to remain part of Papua New Guinea or choose independence.

Donor nations have started increasing their support but MP Joseph Watawi is taking issue with Australia sending in teams of advisers, without consultation.

He says the advisers are there to gain political power and influence for Australia when what Bougainville needs are nurses, doctors and engineers.

Mr Watawi told Don Wiseman he thinks the Australian assistance is focused on the possible re-emergence of the former Australian owned mining company, Bougainville Copper Ltd – the company which sparked the Bougainville crisis.

TRANSCRIPT

JOSEPH WATAWI: So rather than Australia trying to get back here under the cover of BCL, to re-open the mine, I think it is a fair thing for them to seriously look at how they can provide some form of redress to the people of Bougainville through supporting the current, ongoing reconciliation process in Bougainville. That’s what I see it is currently lacking.  

DON WISEMAN: You have been critical of Australia sending in advisers but the truth is isn’t it, that the ABG – the Bougainville government – still needs advice. It hasn’t got a lot of the capacity it needs if it is going to get itself organised for this vote.  

JW: So called advisors, which have flooded the Bougainville administration, I think some of these are absolutely unnecessary. Only on areas which we think we need critical advice then we should be able employ people that we identify and people that might come from Australia, but there are other places. In PNG we also have a lot of retired public servants who may be able to engage in terms of  providing capacity in whatever administrative area that we think we need and require that kind of advice. I don’t see a wholesale advisory capacity that should come from retired Australia. It is like Australian aid is being given to Bougainville and we take it on the right hand and they take it back on the left hand. So it really doesn’t make any sense.

DW: When you say unnecessary advisors, what are you thinking of?

JW: Well in areas where we think it is necessary that we should have some advisers, then we should engage people in those areas that must be identified in terms of strategic advice in what ever areas. For example in terms of growing the economy, I think it is an area we think we can probably need some expertise in giving us some rough forecast on what they think the economy will be like in the next ten years down the road. So these are some of the areas I think we could be able to take on advice, but anything else, in terms of weapons disposal – what do they know about weapons disposal when we own the weapons here, and we think we had ways and means to deal with people who are holding onto weapons.

DW: The New Zealand government has also stepped up its involvement and I see from a press release you have put out that you are quite happy with what New Zealand is doing. So what is the difference between what New Zealand is doing and what Australia is doing?

JW: New Zealand I think, because they are also based with the culture of the Maori people and I think they know how to deal with the indigenous people and the manner in which they offer their support and assistance, particularly on the policing service, I see the role New Zealand plays also involves some kind of customary, cultural relationship that sort of enhances the manner and the attitude they are offering the kind of advice and support, in terms of capacity for Bougainville, and that’s the difference I see. 

DW: There are discussions around restarting mining on Bougainville, and BCL is one of those, but it is not of course an Australian company anymore is it? You have tied this Australian involvement into a possible return of BCL but BCL is now owned by Bougainville and the PNG governments, isn’t it?

JW: The sale by Rio Tinto to the PNG government and the ABG was a rush job, and I think it was just a way out, of Rio Tinto not willing to address the legacy issues in terms of the environmental damages and all of these other things that they had created while operating the Panguna mine. And not only that but even they wanted to basically pass on some of these liabilities to the ABG. I think Rio Tinto on that note basically, just acting, like, you know, we don’t want to know what happened to you guys. We picked up the wealth and whatnot from your ground, and therefore we do not to come and recognise the difficulties you are suffering, the pain the people have gone through. From my observation and analysis this is very unfair.    

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The new battle for Bougainville’s Panguna mine

Rusting trucks at Panguna mine, Bougainville

Speculation about the future of the Panguna copper mine in Papua New Guinea’s autonomous region of Bougainville, which ignited a decade long civil war in the 1990s, peaked late last year when an application for exploration by former Rio Tinto subsidiary, Bougainville Copper Ltd (BCL), was put to a local vote.

Catherine Wilson | The Interpreter | 21 August 2018

The outcome revealed that the mine remains a contested site and that a new battle for its riches is deepening divisions among traditional landowning groups. Chris Baria, a Bougainville writer and commentator, who lived through what is known as the “Crisis”, explained the sentiment in a recent interview:

When those with mining interests meddle with Panguna, it makes people revisit the pain and suffering, and the horrors of war that the government wrought on its citizens for closing down a mine, which they felt had not compensated them enough for their loss.

The mine still stands in ruin. From the Morgan Junction checkpoint near the entrance, the drive is long and winding up into the white mist that often veils the peaks of the Crown Prince mountain range. In a valley at the top is the scene of a time warp: rusting mine machinery disintegrating into the all–consuming jungle, rows of silenced trucks and gutted housing blocks.

Locals amid the ruined mine buildings at Panguna (Photo: Catherine Wilson)

In 1989, the Nasioi on Bougainville were the world’s first indigenous people, angered by inequity and environmental damage, to shut down a multinational mining venture. But the feat came at a huge cost. The ensuing civil war, primarily between local rebel groups and the PNG Defence Force, decimated infrastructure and development and left 15,000–20,000 people dead, with many more suffering still from untreated trauma.

Yet debate about the mine’s possible revival has persisted for the last eight years. It’s the focus of the Bougainville autonomous government’s ambitions of fiscal self–reliance as an independence referendum approaches in June 2019; an enormous challenge for a region still occupied with post–conflict reconstruction and heavily dependent on aid. Last year, only 14% of the government’s expenditure, totalling K162 million ($67 million), was covered by internal revenues, while experts point out that an independent nation of Bougainville will need a budget two to three times greater.

This is a dilemma for many Panguna landowners. A few years ago, as I sat with villagers near the mine pit, no–one expressed a wish for mining to return to this beautiful valley. But views faltered among those committed to secession. Janet Colman from Guava Village said she did “not really” want the mine to reopen.

If I had a choice, but I don’t think I have a choice. If I am crying for independence; then I need the mine.

When BCL’s latest bid was defeated, Bougainville’s President John Momis announced an indefinite moratorium on exploration and mining in Panguna, highlighting his fears of potential conflict between landowner factions.

However, the link between mining and political aspirations continues to fuel the contest for Panguna’s wealth. Other foreign companies are jostling for position, such as Perth–based RTG Mining, which has forged an alliance with Philip Miriori, former combatant and now president of the Panguna–based Mekamui government, and chairman of the Special Mining Lease Osikaiyang Landowners Association.

Three years ago, Bougainville passed new mining legislation vesting traditional landowners with ownership of minerals on their land and rights to participate in key development decisions. At the same time, power plays appear to be mounting between Panguna landowning clans and groups; those who previously, without rights, united against a common external foe. As Baria explains:

people who come from around the mine area are not homogenous, and deep divisions exist along family and clan lines going back to the time before the Crisis.

Mining companies now understand they will not be successful without landowner support. At least five ex–combatants and local leaders are known to be entertaining a range of corporate interests from Australia, Canada, China, Brazil and the US.

It is another hurdle for Momis and his government, who are working to rally a sense of political unity in a Melanesian society, where people still prioritize allegiance to their clan and customary land.

Panguna mine in operation, circa 1971 (Photo: Robert Owen Winkler/Wikimedia Commons)

Suspending developments in Panguna aligns with those landowners, such as Lynette Ona, Chairwoman of the Bougainville Indigenous Women’s Landowner Association, who believe the mine should stay closed until they can master their own destiny. Yet independence in itself won’t remove landowner rivalries or other risk factors Bougainville is currently challenged with, such as high youth unemployment, constrained institutional capacity to reach and govern rural areas and incomplete disarmament. Some armed groups, such as the Mekamui Defence Force, didn’t sign the peace agreement or surrender firearms.

Helen Hakena of the local Leitana Nehan Women’s Development Agency has expressed concern that “they [the Mekamui] get their strength from guns … there needs to be a priority set by the government in getting those arms out before the reopening of the Panguna mine”.

Bougainville is still working toward establishing the post–war unity, strong governance and state resources that are needed to manage the complex combination of post–conflict recovery, unaddressed mining grievances, and risks of resource–related corruption and land disputes. For mining, without peace, won’t contribute to Bougainville’s longing for successful self–government and equitable development.

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